Unit 4 Section 2Exercise 7 Why do people kill themselves?

Two essays below appeared in the popular press, both serving to educate the public about suicide. Read the essays in the light of preconceptions you might have had about suicide. Thomas Curwen was the deputy editor of the LA Times' Book Review.


Thomas Curwen, "Psychache"

Every 17 Minutes, Someone in This Country Commits Suicide. But Opinions on Why there's an Epidemic of Self-Inflicted Death--and how to stop it--Often Conflict.

COVER STORY, from Los Angeles Times
Sunday June 3, 2001Home Edition, Los Angeles Times Magazine, with the author's permission

"Man is the only animal who has to be encouraged to live." Friedrich Nietzsche

1. Who killed Hilda?

Sometimes when I'm in a dark mood, I wonder: If I were to kill myself, would I fall into the flames of hell? Or should someone else burn for this crime against life: the friends who failed me, the society that offered no solace, the God who erred in designing my brain, or DNA?

Like hundreds of thousands of people who have confronted suicide, I wrestle with damnation. But only to avoid a question that is at once more haunting, more difficult and more practical: What could have been done? In my case, what could have been done to stop my friend Hilda Sheryll Barrett as she, at age 36, walked into the garage and sat on an old sofa with a gun in her hands?

We were close--Hilda, her husband, Jim, my wife and I. Jim was at work when Hilda raised the only unlocked gun in their home and pulled the trigger. He found her that night. My wife went over to help clean up. There was a memorial and a yard sale, and for months I believed that her death was none of my business, that I had no right to judge so personal an act. I mourned her and respected her choice without realizing that in the world of suicide, the mere use of a word such as "choice" sets off fierce debate. In the 15 years since Hilda killed herself, I've become a student of the subject. I've learned that someone in the United States kills him- or herself every 17 minutes, for a total of 85 a day, almost 31,000 a year. I've learned that you who are reading this story are more likely to kill yourself than be killed by someone else, that the suicide rate for young people has tripled in the past four decades, that the relentless suicide toll of young men alone dwarfs the number of deaths from the Vietnam War and AIDS combined. I've also discovered an invisible city of doctors, scientists, researchers and families who've lost someone to suicide, all obsessed with why people kill themselves and what can be done to stop them. They believe they have answers and that their answers can save lives. But distinguished opinions about suicide rarely converge, and recommended interventions often conflict--stemming, as they do, from opposing views of human nature.

Take Hilda. Did she die because her brain malfunctioned, twisting some internal knob that dimmed her will to live? Or did her actions that spring day have more to do with a dark turn in her life?

I've never seriously considered killing myself. Yet when the details of Hilda's story finally came to light, they jolted me with such force that people who don't know me--who don't understand the complex subject at hand--might well have wondered whether I, too, would become suicidal.

2. The dean of self-inflicted death

Suicidology, the study of suicide, began 43 years ago in the land of sunshine and second chances. Edwin Shneidman, who coined the term, is 83 now. He remains the dean of the discipline, as committed as ever to saving lives, though his approach is being overwhelmed by newer, if less personal, ways of looking at suicide.

When he greeted me at the door of his small West Los Angeles home early last year, Hilda had been dead for more than a decade, and I had stopped pretending that her death was none of my business. Round-faced and bald but for a hint of curly hair at his collar, Shneidman has a confident and gentle demeanor. His mind is quick and playful. He is an easy man to like and to trust.

His wife, Jeanne, was at the market when I arrived. He and I sat on the patio with cookies and coffee. As a Mozart piano concerto played in the background, I asked him how he could live his whole life with questions of suicide so close at hand. His answer was his story.

The son of Russian Jewish immigrants, he had grown up in Lincoln Heights, earned a master's in psychology from UCLA, served as a classification officer for the Army during World War II and received his doctorate from USC. By 1949 he was a 31-year-old clinical psychologist, on staff at the VA Hospital in Brentwood.

One day the director of the hospital approached him. He needed two letters written. Two patients had killed themselves, and he wanted to extend his sympathy to their wives. Shneidman didn't know James Caldwell and Timothy Jones, yet he knew they deserved more than a form letter. He took the next morning off. A light rain was falling as he turned east on Wilshire Boulevard, heading downtown to the coroner's office. The end of the 1940s might as well have been the start of the dark ages when it came to the study of suicide.

The records were kept in a basement beneath a parking garage. Shneidman still remembers the smell of oil and gasoline. And the dust. It was everywhere.

"Caldwell" and "Jones" were two files among thousands in the bunker-like room. The victims were young, married and had served their country during the war. They had little else in common, other than that something, somehow had stopped making sense in their lives. And one other detail: One file contained a suicide note, the other didn't.

As Shneidman gazed up at the thousands of files surrounding him, a half-century of the city's dead, he felt his cheeks flush. There had to be more suicides here, some with notes, some without. If you were to study the notes, what would you learn, he wondered? Shneidman gave me a smile. "I felt like a cowpoke who, wandering home drunk on a dark night, stumbles into a pool of oil and is just sober enough to realize he has found his fortune," he said.

Shneidman recruited a young psychologist, Norman Farberow, and within a few months these two men in white shirts and narrow black ties had more than 700 notes, copied from the coroner's files. But they didn't read the notes. Instead, for the purposes of the study, they commissioned an equal number of fake notes written by volunteers from unions and fraternal organizations. When they put the two sets side by side, the contrast was stunning. The fake notes were rife with drama and melancholy; the real notes were remarkably banal. Here were attempts to settle the most ordinary aspects of life--a car washed, the laundry picked up--as if there was regret, however tacit, in leaving. "Dear Mary," read one note, "I hate you. Love, George." The discovery of this ambivalence toward dying was revolutionary. It suggested that suicide is less a decision than a reaction. Learn what is being reacted to, then suggest an alternative, and you may have an opportunity to interrupt the suicidal impulse. This became the basis of Shneidman's approach to saving lives.

Suicidology became Shneidman's passion, and he has pursued it as a psychologist, professor and author. In 1974, his "Deaths of Man" was nominated for the National Book Award in science . His latest book, "Comprehending Suicide: Landmarks in Twentieth Century Suicidology," has just been released. It is likely he knows more about the mystery of self-destruction than anyone--which is why I, like most people curious about the phenomenon, turned to him.

A few years after Hilda's death, years before I met Shneidman, I had called the coroner's office asking for documents, thinking I might find some clues about what she had been feeling that morning. A few days later I received the death certificate. It read: "Avulsion of brain. Gunshot wound, head, through mouth." To read the suicide note she had left on the dining room table, I would need the family's permission. By then I knew that wasn't going to happen.

3. To be or not?

"There is but one truly serious philosophical problem," wrote Camus, "and that is suicide. Judging whether life is or is not worth living amounts to answering the fundamental question of philosophy." If the goal of music, literature and art is to help us live, then suicide is a quick end run, eluding all considerations.

. . . I took my time, I hurried up

The choice was mine, I didn't think enough

I am too depressed to go on

You'll all be sorry when I'm gone . . .

Greg Barnes cued this song, sung by the band Blink 182, on his CD player and set it up to play over and over again in his garage. He was 17, a student from Columbine High School in Colorado. It was a year after the infamous rampage. While the song played, he fashioned a noose and hanged himself. Listen to the lyrics, read about the dead boy, slip more deeply into the mystery of why suicide happens.

Western civilization has a long tradition of viewing self-destruction as a moral and mental failing. "No man may inflict death upon himself at will, merely to escape from temporal difficulties," St. Augustine wrote in "The City of God." Soon civil and ecclesiastical authorities branded it a sin and a crime. Corpses of suicides were publicly displayed, property confiscated, exorcisms performed. Sermons promised eternal damnation. Some clerics recommended hanging those who attempted suicide. Back then, the devil caused suicide. One hundred years ago, it was society. More recently, it was the unconscious mind. Today it is mental illness.

Few people I have encountered talk about suicide with the intelligence and compassion of Kay Redfield Jamison. Perhaps this is because she has manic depression and tried to commit suicide herself. In her book, "Night Falls Fast: Understanding Suicide," the professor of psychiatry at the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine wants to shift the way we think about suicide toward a biochemical consideration of the behavior. "Most people who suffer from depression, manic-depressive illness, alcoholism, or schizophrenia do not kill themselves," she writes, "but a vastly disproportionate number of them do."

I first met Jamison at a suicide prevention conference in Reno. Beyond the din of slot machines and screaming dice players, in the state with the country's highest suicide rate, she and other experts had gathered to consider the societal implications of self-destruction. Most of the sessions focused on numbers and demographics, but Jamison's was filled with easy references to Robert Lowell, Lord Byron and the late Victorian poet Gerald Manley Hopkins.

"The absolute agony of what leads up to the decision to kill yourself is incomprehensible for most people," she says. "Even people who have terminal cancer don't commit suicide." Yet, while acknowledging that the causes of suicide are complex, Jamison has less faith in talking cures than in genetics, neurobiology and psychopharmacology.

When I mentioned the reason for my interest, she warned: "We can't be caught in the romanticization of the individual when it comes to saving lives." The particulars of someone's death may be more interesting than "statistical findings obtained from coroner's reports or DNA gels," but stats and hard science are more effective weapons against the epidemic.

Physicians have long searched for the magical elixir that might ease the suicidal impulse. In the 19th century, treatments included bloodletting, cold-water plunges and drafts of mercury, quinine and opium. In the 20th century, these interventions went out of favor as psychoanalysis came in. In the 1970s, researchers began to identify a link between behavior and the activity of neurotransmitters in the brain. By the early 1980s, researchers discovered that serotonin, a chemical that helps conduct nerve impulses in the brain, occurs in lower than normal levels in the depressed and the aggressive. In December 1986, Eli Lilly and Co. began marketing Prozac, a drug that allows for more serotonin to be available to the brain. Other companies followed with their own Selective Serotonin Reuptake Inhibitors, which have proven effective in treating depression, the most common illness leading to suicide. By the mid-1990s, America was a nation defined by a white and green capsule.

The world of suicide prevention has become a numbers game--31,000 suicides a year--so it is quite promising to find a single cause, mental illness, lying behind each death. It means that suicide might be more simple than anyone might have imagined--philosophers and poets be damned. So, perhaps this was it. Hilda, as we all well knew, had suffered from manic depression. Could a pill have saved her?

4. PSYCHACHE

To swallow a mood-altering pill is to confront a fundamental question: Where does the physical brain stop and the conscious mind begin? Not knowing will forever entangle psychopharmacology and philosophy--medical progress be damned. Studying the dead brain may be easier than peering into the living soul, but how can you pursue one without considering the other?

Poet Anne Sexton's "Wanting to Die" offers a glimpse of the suicidal mind:

Since you ask, most days I cannot remember.

I walk in my clothing, unmarked by that voyage.

Then the almost unnameable lust returns.

Even then I have nothing against life.

I know well the grass blades you mention,

the furniture you have placed under the sun.

But suicides have a special language.

Like carpenters they want to know which tools.

They never ask why build . . . .

 

Sexton, who suffered from depression most of her life, attempted suicide several times and died of self-administered carbon monoxide poisoning in 1974. Her tenacity, perhaps the grimmest characteristic of many suicides, points to a historic tension: Individual rights versus compassionate intervention. "Dying voluntarily is a choice intrinsic to human existence," writes psychiatrist-libertarian Thomas Szasz. "It is our ultimate, fatal freedom." To which Shneidman responds: "I want to prevent those people who are preventable, and I want to reserve the right to commit suicide for myself. But it is just decency, civilized decency, to throw one's efforts and one's yearning on the side of life."

And so it was that one morning in 1958 a black telephone with a rotary dial started to ring on the fourth floor of an abandoned tuberculosis hospital on the grounds of the Los Angeles County General Hospital.

The phone, a suicide crisis line, was Shneidman and Farberow's idea and the culmination of nearly 10 years of studying suicide. It was the first of its kind in the country. Within six years of researching the deaths of Caldwell and Jones, Shneidman and the fledging L.A. Suicide Prevention Center received the first of three grants from the National Institute of Mental Health that would last almost 15 years. The work of Shneidman, Farberow and their colleagues gained national attention when the center performed a "psychological autopsy" on Marilyn Monroe and determined that her death was a suicide. Farberow continued on to a distinguished career and remains active in suicide prevention. Shneidman founded the American Assn. of Suicidology. He became a professor at UCLA. He wrote the "suicide" entry for the Encyclopedia Britannica. His tenacity has never waned.

"Suicide is a complex malaise," he says. "Sociologists have shown that suicide rates vary with factors like war and unemployment; psychoanalysts argue that it is rage toward a loved one that is directed inward; psychiatrists see it as a biochemical imbalance. No one approach holds the answer: It's all that and much more."

Early on, Shneidman came to see pain, not mental illness, as the most common denominator for all preventable suicide. He even coined a term for the shame, guilt, fear, anxiety, loneliness, dread of growing old or of dying badly that a suicidal person might feel: " Psychache." Treat the psychache, Shneidman says, and you'll treat the suicidal impulse. "For me, today, the central data to elicit from a potentially suicidal person are not a family history, a spinal tap assay, a demographic accounting or a psychoanalytical session," he says. Rather, his approach is to listen closely while asking a patient two basic questions: "Where do you hurt?" and "How may I help you?"

While not opposed to drug therapies, Shneidman thinks the so-called biologicalization of suicide is simplistic. It treats the symptoms, not the disorder. It's fine to look inward at arcing synapses, but don't ignore the external connections: religion, family, work. If a healthy person is hurt when these connections fray, is this unraveling any less devastating for someone with a mental illness? And how does biology explain that suicide hits hardest those whom society shows the least respect: young black men, teenagers, gays and lesbians, Native Americans, elderly white men?

"Suicide is not a disease," Shneidman says. "It is not like a stomachache or a headache or some special physiological state. Each suicide is sui generis. Its reasons, like the mind itself, cannot be categorized. Clinical labels are specious, and to build a profession on them is to put a skyscraper on sandy soil."

After our conversation that afternoon on his patio,Shneidman invited me inside. Slowed by a slipped disc, he shuffled along, his mind happily outracing his stride, and led me into a small bedroom where he works and reads, surrounded by his twin devotions: suicide and Herman Melville.

The two, he said, are more compatible than most might think. He read aloud the first paragraph of "Moby Dick": "Whenever I find myself growing grim about the mouth; whenever it is a damp, drizzly November in my soul . . . I account it high time to get to sea as soon as I can. This is my substitute for pistol and ball. . . ."

This great American novel, he said, is all about suicide.

Maybe all stories have suicide lurking beneath the surface.

Four months after Hilda's death, my wife announced that she was leaving me. The room grew quiet. It took her a minute or two to say that she was moving in with our friend, Jim, Hilda's husband. They had fallen in love months before Hilda killed herself.

5. Of Hotlines and Hell

It is said the eyes are the windows of the soul. At a suicide prevention center, it is the voice. Twelve years after Hilda's death, I started volunteering at a center and listening to the voices, the most pained, hysterical, lost voices I have ever heard: the bereaved mother, the broken-hearted teenager, the shut-in slowly dying of AIDS.

The average call takes about 30 minutes, and the process is like loosening a tight knot. First you establish rapport. Then you gather information, determining the cause of the crisis, assessing its severity and asking questions: "Are you going to kill yourself?" "Do you have a plan for killing yourself?"

Then you listen. You listen and try to explore an alternative to dying that will work, if not for the month or the week ahead, then for the next minute or two. And no matter how slow or frustrating the process, you follow each story wherever it leads, and you work your way back to the sources of the pain, sometimes more than once. The work is no less urgent than that done in an emergency room, only here the bleeding is emotional, the pain psychic. This is where the desperate come to stop, if only temporarily, their dying.

Struck by the success of the Los Angeles Suicide Prevention Center (now called the Suicide Prevention Center of Didi Hirsch Community Mental Health Center), the National Institute of Mental Health invited Shneidman in 1965 to develop a national suicide prevention strategy. When he arrived at institute headquarters in Bethesda, Md., there were 15 crisis centers in the country. In 1966 there were 47, and by the time he left three years later, there were more than 100. But his success was short-lived. In 1969, he accepted an invitation to teach at Harvard, and within two years, the federal government was reallocating the funds he had worked so hard to secure. Some blame his successor at the institute, others blame the nation's changing social climate. Either way, after spending more than $10 million on suicide prevention over 10 years, the government pulled the plug, and local clinics were left to find alternative funding.

The good news is that official interest in suicide prevention is cyclical, and after nearly 20 years of barely being noticed, the death count is again capturing national attention. Three years ago, the U.S. Senate and the House passed resolutions recognizing suicide as a national problem. The Centers for Disease Control is in the midst of funding a three-year study in the Western United States, where suicide rates are the highest in the country, and in California, the Legislature is considering a $3-million bill (SB 620) that would inaugurate a suicide prevention strategy with a special focus on young people. And last month, U.S. Surgeon General David Satcher announced a national campaign that would enlist doctors, the clergy, teachers and insurance companies in the fight.

That's all encouraging. As Jamison, author of "Night Falls Fast," says: "What we do about suicide and mental illness tells us about who we are as a country. . . . "

The bad news is that America is still as queasy about suicide as it is about abortion, euthanasia and other issues where life, death and choice intersect. We put it in a box and we bury it with shame. And as long as we do, experts say, we will likely have an epidemic.

Last year, 43 years after Shneidman and Farberow started answering that black phone with the rotary dial, counselors at the Suicide Prevention Center answered more than 17,000 calls from suicidal people. Yet in recent years researchers have questioned whether the truly suicidal will pick up a phone at their moment of reckoning, and they have offered studies dating back to the 1970s that suggest hotlines don't really work. "Critics of crisis lines miss the point," says Shneidman. "They have limited the notion of effectiveness to the statistical reduction of suicide. I say there is more to it than that. Crisis lines facilitate communication between mental health agencies in an area, and they improve the mental health of the community. And, philosophically, they represent something very important: They represent a fight against nihilism and despair."

Today, even as some therapists acknowledge the wisdom of Shneid-man's approach, his legacy is being eroded by a new faith in brain scans and pharmaceuticals.

The phones still ring, though, and I have come to believe the ensuing conversations are as necessary as prescribing drugs or, in the most severe cases, institutionalization.

On late summer afternoons the sun strikes the ficus trees along a Culver City street and fills the Suicide Prevention Center with a lambent green glow. Everything here seems unremarkable: the files stacked on a desk, the cubicles where the counselors take their calls, the table covered with fruit, cookies and the coffee maker. Outside a man waters his lawn, a couple steps into a church, teenagers study the catalog at an auto parts store. When the phone rings, the air grows charged. Idle conversations stop as the coordinator says, "I'll get you a counselor."

Sometimes, when I picked up the phone, I experienced a moment of confusion and I'd think I was listening to Hilda--so clearly did the sound and timbre of her voice continue to resonate in my mind. In the rushed cadences, the sharp edges, the interruptions of a stranger, I heard the voice of a friend whom we had all somehow failed and of the friend who had failed us.

Sometimes, after taking such a call, I would imagine talking to Hilda.

The questions I imagined asking came easily.

"Where do you hurt?" I would ask.

If she cried, it wasn't out of sadness but desperation. She worked the swing shift as an LVN at a convalescent hospital. Her husband recorded truck weights for a local trash company. They shared a small rented cottage in Seal Beach with their Australian shepherd, and her life was falling apart. Nothing was good anymore. She found herself swimming in darkness.

Some things I already knew.

I'm manic depressive--that's why we didn't have kids--only it's gotten much worse. When I was younger, I used to shoot heroin; then I kicked the habit. It's so hard to stay straight. I suppose I'm smoking too much, but who cares? I'll have a beer when I get home from work just to unwind; I'm trying hard. I'm really trying hard.

My doctor? He retired. And I'm scared to start with someone new. I'm sick of taking lithium; it's messed up my insides. Some days I can't sit still, I tear around the house as if there isn't enough for me to do. Today's different. I'm boiling inside but nothing makes sense anymore.

In those final weeks of Hilda's life, we were drifting, all of us. But we had refused to see that drifting, as if by seeing it, we would find ourselves farther apart. We never asked the hard questions that might have saved marriages or a life.

"Has anything happened in particular?" I ask now.

She falls silent.

If I were a good counselor, I'd know that even if she answered, it might not tell me what I wanted to know. In the strange algebra of suicide, discovering all the variables doesn't tell you "why?" But I'm not a good counselor; I'm too close to this caller's story. And so my next question is not to Hilda, but to God or the cosmos: Why do some of us rush our dying?

I've never been to Hilda's grave. I don't know how to contact any of her friends or her family. My past disappeared, and I have married again, and I am always mindful of what can go wrong so suddenly. Suicide lurks beneath the surface of every life. It occupies a secret, submerged world, as it does in "Moby Dick." We may think we understand it. We may see the symptoms: He'd been drinking for days; she'd been sad for weeks. We may see the clues: credit card debt, spurned love, a mental illness.

But each time we think we understand, we imply that suicide under such circumstances makes sense. It never does.

Perhaps the ancients were right. Suicide is caused by the devil.

Perhaps the Marxists were right. Its roots are in society.

Perhaps the Freudians were right. It lies in the psyche.

Perhaps the doctors are right. It's all in the brain.

Or maybe, as I've come to think, what we see in someone's suicide is a mirror of what we fear most in ourselves. How we answer the "why" says more about our fears than about the suicidal impulse. What we imagine to be the cause is only a window upon our own inability to tolerate and redress pain.

But if Shneidman is right--that each suicide is unique--then to fret about the devil, society, the psyche or the brain is really to shirk our responsibility.

What you or I can do--what I should have done with Hilda, perhaps--is to ask "Where do you hurt?" and "How may I help you?"

WHERE TO GET HELP
National Suicide Hotline
1-800-SUICIDE (1-800-784-2433)

 

NATIONAL RESOURCES INCLUDE:
American Assn. of Suicidology
4201 Connecticut Ave., N.W., Suite 408
Washington, D.C. 20008
(202) 237-2280
fax: (202) 237-2282
www.suicidology.org

American Foundation for Suicide Prevention
120 Wall St., 22nd Floor
New York, N.Y. 10005
(888) 333-2377 or (212) 363-3500
fax: (212) 363-6237
www.afsp.org

American Foundation for Suicide Prevention
Western Division
7974 Haven Ave., Suite 250
Rancho Cucamonga, Calif. 91730
(800) 344-0500

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
National Center for Injury Prevention
and Control
Division of Violence Prevention
Mailstop K60
4770 Buford Highway NE
Atlanta, Ga. 30341-3724
(770) 488-1506
www.cdc.gov/ncipc

National Depressive and Manic-Depressive Assn.
730 N. Franklin St., Suite 501
Chicago, Ill. 60610-3526
(800) 826-3632 or (312) 642-0049
fax: (312) 642-7243
www.ndmda.org

National Institute of Mental Health Suicide Research Consortium
NIMH Public Inquiries
6001 Executive Blvd., Room 8184, MSC 9663
Bethesda, Md. 20892-9663
(301) 443-4513
fax: (301) 443-4279
www.nimh.nih.gov/research/suicide.htm

National Suicide Prevention Directory
www.angelfire.com/biz/
mereproject/nspd main.html

SPAN
(Suicide Prevention Advocacy Network)
5034 Odin's Way
Marietta, Ga. 30068
(888) 649-1366
www.spanusa.org

LOCAL RESOURCES INCLUDE:
SPAN-California
(Suicide Prevention Advocacy Network-
California)
29004 Northbay Road
Rancho Palos Verdes, Calif. 90275
Phone/fax: (310) 377-8857

Survivors After Suicide
Suicide Prevention Center of Didi Hirsch Community Mental Health Center
Culver City, Calif.
(877) 727-4747
(310) 391-1253 (outside L.A. County)
www.suicidecrisisline.org

Descriptors: SUICIDES; RESEARCH; EPIDEMICS; PSYCHOLOGY

PHOTO: Edwin Shneidman
ID NUMBER: 20010603htm0063
PHOTOGRAPHER: Neil A. France
GRAPHIC-DRAWING: (COVER) (no caption), Katherine Streeter
ID NUMBER: 20010603htm0064
GRAPHIC-DRAWING: (no caption), Katherine Streeter
ID NUMBER: 20010603htm0065

Reprinted with the author's pemission

 

Tad Friend, "Jumpers"

From the New Yorker

JUMPERS

by TAD FRIEND

The fatal grandeur of the Golden Gate Bridge.

Issue of 2003-10-13
Posted 2003-10-06

Shortly after ten-thirty in the morning on Wednesday, March 19th, a real-estate agent named Paul Alarab began hiking across the Golden Gate Bridge. Midway along the walkway, which carries pedestrians and cyclists between San Francisco and Marin County, he stopped and climbed the four-foot safety railing. Then he lowered himself carefully onto the bridge’s outermost reach, a thirty-two-inch-wide beam known as “the chord.” It is on the chord, two hundred and twenty feet above San Francisco Bay, that people intending to kill themselves often pause. On a sunny day, as this day was, the view is glorious: Angel Island to the left, Alcatraz straight ahead, Treasure Island farther off, bisecting the long gray tangent of the Bay Bridge, and, layered across the hills to the south, San Francisco.

Alarab turned and looped a thick rope over the railing, then wound it around his right wrist five times and grabbed it with his gloved right hand. His weekday attire usually consisted of a business suit with a “Peace” T-shirt underneath, but today he wore black gloves, black shoes, black pants, a black T-shirt, and black sunglasses. Through the palings of the bridge rail and the rush of traffic, he could see the mouth of the Bay to the west and the Pacific beyond. Clasping a typed statement to his chest with his left hand, he leaned backward, away from the railing, and waited for help to arrive.

Alarab, a forty-four-year-old Iraqi-American, was a large, balding, friendly man who kept a “No Hate” sign in his office at Century 21 Heritage Real Estate in Lafayette, across the Bay. The day before, he’d told a co-worker that the prospect of civilian deaths in Iraq made him sick to his stomach. Alarab had chosen this day, the first of America’s war against Saddam Hussein, to make a statement of opposition.

Responding to a “10-31,” bridge code for a jumper, four uniformed California Highway Patrol officers soon arrived at the rail, joined by three ironworkers who had been repairing the bridge. Alarab told them that he wanted to speak to the media. As it happened, a number of TV crews were at the south end of the bridge, filming standups about heightened terrorism precautions. A Telemundo crew came out, and Alarab began to read a declaration about Iraq’s defenseless women, children, and elderly. “Wake up, America!” he said. “This war will be known as ‘the war of cowards and oil’ across the world!”

As a Coast Guard cutter idled in the fifty-five-degree water below, the bridge’s guardians tried to talk Alarab into coming up. “When CNN gets here, I’m back over the other side of the railing,” he promised. One Highway Patrol officer said, “Hey, don’t I know you?” Alarab squinted, and said, “Oh, sure!” They had met during Alarab’s previous adventure on the bridge: in 1988, seeking to publicize the plight of the handicapped and the elderly, Alarab had climbed down a sixty-foot nylon cord into a large plastic garbage can he’d suspended beneath the bridge. His weight proved too much for the apparatus, and the can broke free with him inside. “It seemed like the fall lasted forever,” Alarab said afterward. “I was praying for God to give me another chance.” The fall broke both of Alarab’s ankles and three of his ribs and collapsed his lungs, but he lived—becoming one of only twenty-six people to survive the plunge from the Golden Gate. “I’ll never put my life on the line again,” he said at the time.

Survivors often regret their decision in midair, if not before. Ken Baldwin and Kevin Hines both say they hurdled over the railing, afraid that if they stood on the chord they might lose their courage. Baldwin was twenty-eight and severely depressed on the August day in 1985 when he told his wife not to expect him home till late. “I wanted to disappear,” he said. “So the Golden Gate was the spot. I’d heard that the water just sweeps you under.” On the bridge, Baldwin counted to ten and stayed frozen. He counted to ten again, then vaulted over. “I still see my hands coming off the railing,” he said. As he crossed the chord in flight, Baldwin recalls, “I instantly realized that everything in my life that I’d thought was unfixable was totally fixable—except for having just jumped.”

Kevin Hines was eighteen when he took a municipal bus to the bridge one day in September, 2000. After treating himself to a last meal of Starbursts and Skittles, he paced back and forth and sobbed on the bridge walkway for half an hour. No one asked him what was wrong. A beautiful German tourist approached, handed him her camera, and asked him to take her picture, which he did. “I was like, ‘Fuck this, nobody cares,’ ” he told me. “So I jumped.” But after he crossed the chord, he recalls, “My first thought was What the hell did I just do? I don’t want to die.”

Paul Alarab never told his colleagues about his first experience on the bridge. He didn’t even tell his wife, whom he married in 1990 and divorced in 1995. The only hint of his fascination was his business card, which he resisted changing despite his boss’s complaint that it looked unprofessional. The card featured a photo of Alarab on the shore of the Bay; behind him lurked the Golden Gate.

On that March morning, facing the camera, Alarab read an ambiguous handwritten addendum to his statement: “I would sacrifice myself as a symbol of children that will die. If you are antiwar, e-mail me at alarabpaul@hotmail.com.” After forty minutes, CNN had not arrived and it seemed that Alarab had done all he could. It was 11:33 a.m. He bent to put his statement on the bridge, then placed his cell phone on it. He then unwound his wrist from the securing rope and stepped off the chord. The officers on the walkway craned their necks in a horrified line, watching him fall.

At a 1977 rally on the Golden Gate supporting the building of an anti-suicide barrier above the railing, a minister, speaking to six hundred of his followers, tried to explain the bridge’s power. Matchless in its Art Deco splendor, the Golden Gate is also unrivalled as a symbol: it is a threshold that presides over the end of the continent and a gangway to the void beyond. Just being there, the minister said, his words growing increasingly incoherent, left him in a rather suicidal mood. The Golden Gate, he said, is “a symbol of human ingenuity, technological genius, but social failure.”

Eighteen months later, that minister, the Reverend Jim Jones, who had decamped with his People’s Temple to Jonestown, Guyana, ordered his adherents to kill themselves by drinking grape Kool-Aid mixed with potassium cyanide. Nine hundred and twelve of them did.

Every two weeks, on average, someone jumps off the Golden Gate Bridge. It is the world’s leading suicide location. In the eighties, workers at a local lumberyard formed “the Golden Gate Leapers Association”—a sports pool in which bets were placed on which day of the week someone would jump. At least twelve hundred people have been seen jumping or have been found in the water since the bridge opened, in 1937, including Roy Raymond, the founder of Victoria’s Secret, in 1993, and Duane Garrett, a Democratic fund-raiser and a friend of Al Gore’s, in 1995. The actual toll is probably considerably higher, swelled by legions of the stealthy, who sneak onto the bridge after the walkway closes at sundown and are carried to sea with the neap tide. Many jumpers wrap suicide notes in plastic and tuck them into their pockets. “Survival of the fittest. Adios—unfit,” one seventy-year-old man said in his valedictory; another wrote, “Absolutely no reason except I have a toothache.”

There is a fatal grandeur to the place. Like Paul Alarab, who lived and worked in the East Bay, several people have crossed the Bay Bridge to jump from the Golden Gate; there is no record of anyone traversing the Golden Gate to leap from its unlovely sister bridge. Dr. Richard Seiden, a professor emeritus at the University of California at Berkeley’s School of Public Health and the leading researcher on suicide at the bridge, has written that studies reveal “a commonly held attitude that romanticizes suicide from the Golden Gate Bridge in such terms as aesthetically pleasing and beautiful, while regarding a Bay Bridge suicide as tacky.”

Unlike the Bay Bridge—or most bridges, for that matter—the Golden Gate has a footpath adjacent to a low exterior railing. “Jumping from the bridge is seen as sure, quick, clean, and available—which is the most potent factor,” Dr. Jerome Motto, a local psychiatrist and suicide expert, says. “It’s like having a loaded gun on your kitchen table.”

Almost everyone in the Bay Area knows someone who has jumped, and it is perhaps not surprising that the most common fear among San Franciscans is gephyrophobia, the fear of crossing bridges. Yet the locals take a peculiar pride in the bridge’s notoriety. “What makes the bridge so popular,” Gladys Hansen, the city’s unofficial historian, says, citing the ten million tourists who visit the bridge each year, “is that it’s a monument, a monument to death.” In 1993, a man named Steve Page threw his three-year-old daughter, Kellie, over the side of the bridge and followed her down; even after this widely publicized atrocity, an Examiner poll that year found that fifty-four per cent of the respondents opposed building a suicide barrier.

The idea of building a barrier was first proposed in the nineteen-fifties, and it has provoked controversy ever since. “The battle over a barrier is actually a battle of ideas,” Eve Meyer, the executive director of San Francisco Suicide Prevention, told me. “And some of the ideas are very old, ideas about whether suicidal people are people to fear and hate.” In centuries past, suicides were buried at night at a crossroads, under piles of stones, or had stakes driven through their hearts to prevent their unquiet spirits from troubling the rest of us. In the United States today, someone takes his own life every eighteen minutes, and suicide is much more common than homicide. Still, the issue is rarely examined. In the Bay Area, the topic is virtually taboo. One Golden Gate official told me repeatedly, “I hate that you’re writing about this.”

In 1976, an engineer named Roger Grimes began agitating for a barrier on the Golden Gate. He walked up and down the bridge wearing a sandwich board that said “Please Care. Support a Suicide Barrier.” He gave up a few years ago, stunned that in an area as famously liberal as San Francisco, where you can always find a constituency for the view that pets should be citizens or that poison oak has a right to exist, there was so little empathy for the depressed. “People were very hostile,” Grimes told me. “They would throw soda cans at me, or yell, ‘Jump!’ ”

When Paul Alarab was pulled from the Bay at 11:34 a.m., he was unconscious and badly bruised. The impact had ripped off his left glove and his right shoe. The Coast Guard crew, wearing their standard jumper-retrieval garb to protect against leaking body fluids—Tyvex biohazard suits, masks, gloves, and safety goggles—began C.P.R. Half an hour later, Alarab was pronounced dead. Gary Tindel, the assistant coroner of Marin County, who examined the body on the dock at Fort Baker, at the north end of the bridge, observed that “massive bleeding had occurred in both ears, along with apparent grayish brain matter in and around the right ear.” Tindel brought Alarab’s antiwar statement and his cell phone back to the coroner’s office in San Rafael. Soon afterward, the cell phone rang. It was Alarab’s ex-wife, Rubina Coton: their nine-year-old son had been waiting more than two hours at school for his father to pick him up.

“May I speak with Paul?” Coton asked.

“I’m sorry,” Tindel said. “You can’t.” Tindel explained that he was with the coroner’s office and suggested that Coton call back on his office phone. When she did, he told her that her ex-husband had jumped off the Golden Gate Bridge.

“Please don’t joke,” Coton said.

Tindel described Alarab’s outfit, but Coton didn’t recognize the clothes. Then he told her that the corpse wore a yarn necklace. And she recalled, suddenly, that their daughter had made such a necklace for Paul.

Jumpers tend to idealize what will happen after they step off the bridge. “Suicidal people have transformation fantasies and are prone to magical thinking, like children and psychotics,” Dr. Lanny Berman, the executive director of the American Association of Suicidology, says. “Jumpers are drawn to the Golden Gate because they believe it’s a gateway to another place. They think that life will slow down in those final seconds, and then they’ll hit the water cleanly, like a high diver.”

In the four-second fall from the bridge, survivors say, time does seem to slow. On her way down in 1979, Ann McGuire said to herself, “I must be about to hit,” three times. But the impact is not clean: the coroner’s usual verdict, suicide caused by “multiple blunt-force injuries,” euphemizes the devastation. Many people don’t look down first, and so those who jump from the north end of the bridge hit the land instead of the water they saw farther out. Jumpers who hit the water do so at about seventy-five miles an hour and with a force of fifteen thousand pounds per square inch. Eighty-five per cent of them suffer broken ribs, which rip inward and tear through the spleen, the lungs, and the heart. Vertebrae snap, and the liver often ruptures. “It’s as if someone took an eggbeater to the organs of the body and ground everything up,” Ron Wilton, a Coast Guard officer, once observed.

Those who survive the impact usually die soon afterward. If they go straight in, they plunge so deeply into the water—which reaches a depth of three hundred and fifty feet—that they drown. (The rare survivors always hit feet first, and at a slight angle.) A number of bodies become trapped in the eddies stirred by the bridge’s massive stone piers, and sometimes wash up as far away as the Farallon Islands, about thirty miles off. These corpses suffer from “severe marine depredation”—shark attacks and, particularly, the attentions of crabs, which feed on the eyeballs first, then the loose flesh of the cheeks. Already this year, two bodies have vanished entirely.

On December 17, 2001, fourteen-year-old Marissa Imrie, a petite and attractive straight-A student who had planned to become a psychiatrist, left her second-period class at Santa Rosa High School, took a hundredand-fifty-dollar taxi ride to the Golden Gate, and jumped to her death. Though Marissa was always very hard on herself and had lately complained of severe headaches and insomnia, her mother, Renée Milligan, had no inkling of her plans. “She called us ‘the glue girls,’ we were so close,” Milligan told me. “She’d never spoken about the bridge, and we’d never even visited it.”

When Milligan examined her daughter’s computer afterward, she discovered that Marissa had been visiting a how-to Web site about suicide that featured grisly autopsy photos. The site notes that many suicide methods are ineffective (poison is fatal only fifteen per cent of the time, drug overdose twelve per cent, and wrist cutting a mere five per cent) and therefore recommends bridges, noting that “jumps from higher than . . . 250 feet over water are almost always fatal.” Milligan bought the proprietor of the site’s book, “Suicide and Attempted Suicide,” and read the following sentence: “The Golden Gate Bridge is to suicides what Niagara Falls is to honeymooners.” She returned the book and gave the computer away.

Every year, Marissa had written her mother a Christmas letter reflecting on the year’s events. On Christmas Day that year, Milligan, going through her daughter’s things, found her suicide note. It was tucked into “The Chronicles of Narnia,” which sat beside a copy of “Seven Habits of Highly Effective Teenagers.” The note ended with a plea: “Please forgive me. Don’t shut yourselves off from the world. Everyone is better off without this fat, disgusting, boring girl. Move on.”

Renée Milligan could not. “When I went to my optometrist, I realized he has big pictures of the Golden Gate in his office, and I had to walk out,” she said. “The image of the bridge is everywhere. San Francisco is the Golden Gate Bridge—I can’t escape it.” Milligan recently filed a wrongful-death lawsuit on behalf of her daughter’s estate against the Golden Gate Bridge District and the bridge’s board of directors, seeking to require them to put up a barrier. Her suit charges, “Through their acts and omissions Defendants have authorized, encouraged, and condoned government-assisted suicide.” Three previous lawsuits against the bridge by the parents of suicides have all been dismissed, and the bridge officials’ reply to Milligan’s suit lays out their standard defense: “Plaintiffs’ injuries, if any, were the result of Plaintiffs’ own actions (contributory negligence).” Furthermore, the reply says, “plaintiffs cannot show that Ms. Imrie used the property with due care for the purposes it was designed.”

As Joseph Strauss, the chief engineer of the Golden Gate, watched his beloved suspension bridge rise over San Francisco Bay in the nineteen-thirties, he could not imagine that anyone would use it without due care for its designated purpose. “Who would want to jump from the Golden Gate Bridge?” he told reporters. At the bridge’s opening ceremony, in May of 1937, Strauss read a statement in a low voice, his hands trembling. “What Nature rent asunder long ago man has joined today,” he said. The class poet at Ohio University, class of ’91, Strauss also wrote an ode to mark the occasion:

As harps for the winds of heaven,
My web-like cables are spun;
I offer my span for the traffic of man,
At the gate of the setting sun.

Three months later, a forty-seven-year-old First World War veteran named Harold Wobber turned to a stranger on the walkway, announced, “This is as far as I go,” and hopped over the rail. His body was never found. The original design called for the rail to be five and a half feet high, but this was lowered to four feet in the final blueprint, for reasons that are lost to history. The bridge’s chief engineer, Mervin Giacomini, who recently retired, told me half seriously that Strauss’s stature—he was only five feet tall—may have been a factor in the decision. Known as “the little man who built the big bridge,” Strauss may simply have wanted to be able to see over its side.

In May, 1938, Strauss died of a heart attack, likely brought on by the stress of seeing the bridge to completion. A plaque dedicated to him at the southern end of the bridge a few months later declared the span “a promise indeed that the race of man shall endure unto the ages”; at that point, six people had already jumped off. And at the dedication ceremony A. R. O’Brien, the bridge’s director, delivered a notably dark eulogy. Strauss “put everything he had” into the bridge’s construction, O’Brien said, “and out of its completion he got so little. . . . The Golden Gate Bridge, for my dead friend, turned out to be a mute monument of misery.”

In the years since the bridge’s dedication, Harold Wobber’s flight path has become well worn. I spent a day reading through clippings about Golden Gate Bridge suicides in the San Francisco Public Library, hundreds of two- or three-inch tales of woe from the Chronicle, the Examiner, the Call-Bulletin: “police said he was despondent over domestic affairs”; “medical discharge from the army”; “jobless butcher”; “the upholstery still retaining the warmth of the driver’s body”; “saying ‘goodbye’ four times and looking ‘very sad’ ”; “ ‘sick at heart’ over the treatment of Jewish relatives in Germany”; “the baby’s cries apparently irritated him past endurance”; “footprints on the fog-wet girders were found early today”; “using his last nickel to scratch a farewell on the guard railing.”

The coverage intensified in 1973, when the Chronicle and the Examiner initiated countdowns to the five-hundredth recorded jumper. Bridge officials turned back fourteen aspirants to the title, including one man who had “500” chalked on a cardboard sign pinned to his T-shirt. The eventual “winner,” who eluded both bridge personnel and local-television crews, was a commune-dweller tripping on LSD.

In 1995, as No. 1,000 approached, the frenzy was even greater. A local disk jockey went so far as to promise a case of Snapple to the family of the victim. That June, trying to stop the countdown fever, the California Highway Patrol halted its official count at 997. In early July, Eric Atkinson, age twenty-five, became the unofficial thousandth; he was seen jumping, but his body was never found.

Ken Holmes, the Marin County coroner, told me, “When the number got to around eight hundred and fifty, we went to the local papers and said, ‘You’ve got to stop reporting numbers.’ ” Within the last decade, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American Association of Suicidology have also issued guidelines urging the media to downplay the suicides. The Bay Area media now usually report bridge jumps only if they involve a celebrity or tie up traffic. “We weaned them,” Holmes said. But, he added, “the lack of publicity hasn’t reduced the number of suicides at all.”

The Empire State Building, the Duomo, St. Peter’s Basilica, and Sydney Harbor Bridge were all suicide magnets before barriers were erected on them. So were Mt. Mihara, a volcano in Japan (more than six hundred people jumped into it in 1936 alone); the Arroyo Seco Bridge, in Pasadena; and the Eiffel Tower. At Prince Edward Viaduct, in Toronto, the site of nearly five hundred fatal jumps, engineers just finished constructing a four-million-dollar “luminous veil” of stainless-steel rods above the railing. At all of these places, after the barriers were in place the number of jumpers declined to a handful, or to zero.

“In the seventies, we were really mobilized for a barrier at the Golden Gate,” Dr. Richard Seiden, the Berkeley suicide expert, told me. In 1970, the board of the Golden Gate Bridge Highway and Transportation District began studying eighteen suicide-barrier proposals, including a nine-foot wire fence, a nylon safety net, and even high-voltage laser beams. The board’s criteria were cost, aesthetics, and effectiveness. In 1973, the nineteen-member board, most of them political appointees, declared that none of the options were “acceptable to the public.” (The laser-beam proposal was vetoed because of the likelihood of “severe burns, possibly fatal, to pedestrians and personnel.”)

In 1998, a company called Z-Clip suggested that one of its livestock fences serve as a barrier. The seven-foot-tall mesh of wires had originally been used in Chile to keep cattle out of pine-seedling plantations, and would cost a mere $2.3 million to $3.5 million. The bridge board would not approve it, however. Barbara Kaufman, a board member, said that the fence resembled the “barbed wire at concentration camps.”

Tom Ammiano, a leading candidate for the mayoralty of San Francisco this fall, is among the bridge’s most liberal supervisors. He says that a barrier is no longer being actively considered, and that only he and three or four other board members favor one. “There’s a lot of white Republicans on the board who resist change,” Ammiano told me. He laughed darkly, and added, “The Golden Gate is an icon, my dear.”

The most plausible reason for the board’s resistance is aesthetics. For the past twenty-five years, however, three hundred and fifty feet of the southern end of the bridge have been festooned with an eight-foot-tall cyclone fence, directly above the Fort Point National Park site on the shore of the Bay. This “debris fence” was erected to keep tourists from dropping things—including, at one point, bowling balls—on other tourists below. “It’s a public-safety issue,” the bridge’s former chief engineer, Mervin Giacomini, told me.

Another factor is cost, which would seem particularly important now that the Bridge District has a projected five-year shortfall of more than two hundred million dollars. Yet, in October, construction will be completed on a fifty-four-inch-high steel barrier between the walkway and the adjacent traffic lanes which is meant to prevent bicyclists from veering into traffic. No cyclist has ever been killed; nonetheless, the bridge’s chief engineer, Denis Mulligan, says that the five-million-dollar barrier was necessary: “It’s a public-safety issue.” Engineers are also considering erecting a movable median to prevent head-on collisions, at a cost of at least twenty million dollars. “It’s a public-safety issue,” Al Boro, a member of the Bridge District’s board of directors, said to me.

A familiar argument against a barrier is that thwarted jumpers will simply go elsewhere. In 1953, a bridge supervisor named Mervin Lewis rejected an early proposal for a barrier by saying it was preferable that suicides jump into the Bay than dive off a building “and maybe kill somebody else.” (It’s a public-safety issue.) Although this belief makes intuitive sense, it is demonstrably untrue. Dr. Seiden’s study, “Where Are They Now?,” published in 1978, followed up on five hundred and fifteen people who were prevented from attempting suicide at the bridge between 1937 and 1971. After, on average, more than twenty-six years, ninety-four per cent of the would-be suicides were either still alive or had died of natural causes. “The findings confirm previous observations that suicidal behavior is crisis-oriented and acute in nature,” Seiden concluded; if you can get a suicidal person through his crisis—Seiden put the high-risk period at ninety days—chances are extremely good that he won’t kill himself later.

The current system for preventing suicide on the bridge is what officials call “the non-physical barrier.” Its components include numerous security cameras and thirteen telephones, which potential suicides or alarmed passersby can use to reach the bridge’s control tower. The most important element is randomly scheduled patrols by California Highway patrolmen and Golden Gate Bridge personnel in squad cars and on foot, bicycle, and motorcycle.

In two visits to the bridge, I spent an hour and a half on the walkway and never saw a patrolman. Perhaps, on camera, I didn’t exhibit troubling behavior. The monitors look for people standing alone near the railing, and pay particular attention if they’ve left a backpack, a briefcase, or a wallet on the ground beside them. Kevin Briggs, a friendly, sandy-haired motorcycle patrolman, has a knack for spotting jumpers and talking them back from the edge; he has coaxed in more than two hundred potential jumpers without losing one over the side. He won the Highway Patrol’s Marin County Uniformed Employee of the Year Award last year. Briggs told me that he starts talking to a potential jumper by asking, “How are you feeling today?” Then, “What’s your plan for tomorrow?” If the person doesn’t have a plan, Briggs says, “Well, let’s make one. If it doesn’t work out, you can always come back here later.”

The non-physical barrier catches between fifty and eighty people each year, and misses about thirty. Responding to these figures, Al Boro said, “I think that’s positive, I think that’s effective. Of course, you’d like to do everything you can to make it zero, within reason.”

Despite the coroner’s verdict, Paul Alarab’s loved ones insist that he didn’t jump off the Golden Gate. Having viewed the Telemundo tape, they believe that when Alarab was putting down his antiwar statement he slipped and fell. An accident is easier for friends and family to accept, whereas suicide leaves behind nothing but guilt. It’s impossible to know whether any one suicide might have been prevented, but many suicidal people do indeed wish to be saved. As the eminent suicidologist E. S. Shneidman has said, “The paradigm is the man who cuts his throat and cries for help in the same breath.”

Those who work on the bridge learn to cope with the suicides they can’t prevent by keeping an emotional distance. Glen Sievert, an ironworker who has often helped rescue potential jumpers, told the Wall Street Journal, “I don’t like these people. I have my own problems.” Even Kevin Briggs, the empathic patrolman, was surprised to learn, when he and some colleagues had a week’s training with a psychiatrist earlier this year, that suicidal people “are real people—not crazy people but real people suffering from depression.” Nonetheless, Briggs remains opposed to a barrier. “The bridge is about beauty,” he told me. “They’re going to jump anyway, and you can’t stop them.”

Mary Currie, the bridge’s spokeswoman, is an intense woman with short dark-blond hair. Last February, she went on a foot patrol with five Golden Gate patrolmen so that she would understand that detail better. Currie told me that her group stopped to assess a handsome middle-aged man who’d been at the south tower for two hours. “He said he was just taking a walk. But we all had a feeling,” Currie said. “Still, you can’t gang-tackle a guy for taking a walk. Five minutes after our last contact with him, he walked to the mid-span and looked back. We all took off after him; I was only twenty feet away when he went over. We saw him go in, feet first.

“The other guys felt they’d followed procedure, done what they had to do, didn’t get him, and they’ve moved on. But I had nightmares for a week. Should I have grabbed his ankles? Should there be a barrier? I finally decided it was this guy’s choice. I have depression in my family—I’ve had some myself—and you just have to fight it.” After a second, she reversed herself. “You know, if my mother had succeeded in killing herself—and she tried—I would be much more devastated, and my thinking would be . . .” She shook her head, banishing doubt. “That bridge is more than a bridge: it’s alive, it speaks to people. Some people come here, find themselves, and leave; some come here, find themselves, and jump.”

The bridge comes into the lives of all Bay Area residents sooner or later, and it often stays. Dr. Jerome Motto, who has been part of two failed suicidebarrier coalitions, is now retired and living in San Mateo. When I visited him there, we spent three hours talking about the bridge. Motto had a patient who committed suicide from the Golden Gate in 1963, but the jump that affected him most occurred in the seventies. “I went to this guy’s apartment afterward with the assistant medical examiner,” he told me. “The guy was in his thirties, lived alone, pretty bare apartment. He’d written a note and left it on his bureau. It said, ‘I’m going to walk to the bridge. If one person smiles at me on the way, I will not jump.’ ”

Motto sat back in his chair. “That was it,” he said. “It’s so needless, the number of people who are lost.”

As people who work on the bridge know, smiles and gentle words don’t always prevent suicides. A barrier would. But to build one would be to acknowledge that we do not understand each other; to acknowledge that much of life is lived on the chord, on the far side of the railing. Joseph Strauss believed that the Golden Gate would demonstrate man’s control over nature, and so it did. No engineer, however, has discovered a way to control the wildness within.